marklittlenews

marklittlenews

mark little  //  Founder of Storyful. Looking for useful news amid the useless noise. This is my personal blog. For more details about Storyful please check out www.storyful.com

May 1 / 8:13am

gerry

Gerry Ryan was one of the most honest men I ever met. When you were with him you felt compelled to say what you really believed. You had no choice; he would cajole, wink and grin you into it. 

His loyalty was cast iron. His generosity was unspoken but profound. His friends would have taken a bullet for him. All broadcasters have a team behind them. In Gerry’s case, it was a second family. 

He was so funny it sometimes hurt; I had to stop drinking coffee in his studio because it would end up coming out of my nose. G Ryan could irritate and often enrage. But he was the most intelligent interviewer in Ireland. Believe me. On any subject. 

Gerry made me a better storyteller. I regret that I never thanked him for his generosity to me down the years. 

My love to those who loved him most. 

Mar 14 / 2:10pm

coast to coast

A little photo diary of a flight from New York to San Francisco

(download)

Feb 26 / 1:44am

A cracking week for viral video

One of the great discoveries I have made using social media is how the humanity of banal imagery can be amplified and deepened. Viral often makes a video more than the sum of the parts Just look at these examples. 

First a grainy and shaky three minute amateur video from a dirty field somewhere is turned into dramatic lesson in leadership.

And then there is the latest viral ad from Puma, which is unexpectedly touching and affecting, despite the grubby reality it rises out of. 

Perhaps, I am making more of this than I should but a video is not just a video. Not if it rises from the crowd
I've kept the best example until last. Earlier this week, I was sent a video of Cork-based trio Crystal Swing and I posted it on Twitter. I now feel like one of the first DJs to play Elvis. When I first saw it, this video had been watched by 33 people and as I post today it has had more than 16,000 views. I won't get all pensive about this but you have to marvel at the process. They record one video and we see something completely different. And therein lies the beauty. They made it. We now own it.

Feb 9 / 4:26am

George Lee and Us

I’ll start by declaring a conflict of interest. I’ve known George Lee for almost 20 years. We first worked together at the Sunday Business Post, when I was just out of college and he was already gaining a reputation as a distinct voice in economic commentary.

George was no screaming radical back then but he had empathy; anyone who knows journalism, will know what a rare quality that it is. One night, over after-work pints, we were discussing the roots causes of poverty and I was taken aback by the obvious emotion in his voice as he talked about the social reality beyond the boundaries of our tight little media world.

George became a rising star inside RTE about the same time I was Washington Correspondent. I saw a reality often hidden to outside observers of Montrose’s internal politics: George captured the public imagination by breaking the rules. He conveyed emotion, he stood out from the pack, he was not afraid to show frustration or anger and was prepared to take a stand that put RTE in the firing line. He talked straight. He was brave not bland. He was a real person, flaws and all.

He was a problem for the system, but the system accommodated the challenge because there were managers in RTE who saw value in change.

George Lee stands accused today of staging a ‘hissy fit’. I have known some divas in my time and George is not one of them. He is generous to colleagues. Willing to share credit. Deeply inquisitve. Hard working.  Integral. He is ambitious but in a business distinguished by sharp elbows, he is a gentleman.

As an impetuous soul myself, I recognise a kindred spirit. I have learned through bitter personal experience that public recognition can impair judgement. Given how he felt, I think George was right to leave RTE, even if he was wrong to join a political party. I think he was right to leave Fine Gael, even though he was wrong to abandon his seat in the Dail. I think George was blinded by the failures of Fine Gael. I believe he undervalued the genuine thirst for change among the people who elected him, their desire for a new type of politician and his utility as an independent voice on their behalf.

But here’s the great irony: I write about George today because I am frustrated by the focus on George. I have received many messages on twitter about George Lee and a good proportion are filled with a deep sense of personal invective. Some are coated in that affected, amoral knowingness that courses through Irish public debate like poison. But I also see a genuine desire for a simple narrative to explain a big event. The easiest way to rationalise a political shift is to focus on the personal failings of one man, or perhaps two, if you count Enda Kenny.

My point is this: I know George Lee and if a man like George Lee can’t make an impact on Irish politics at a time of unprecedented crisis and palpable public revolt, then we all have a problem. Not just George and not just Enda.

Our political system rates survival as the highest virtue and change as an ugly last resort. This much is clear. What is often ignored is the curious tendency of public debate to focus on the perceived flaws of the challenger rather than the blinding failures of the system. Given the choice between a good old witch-hunt and a genuine debate about our culture, well … you know the rest.

The greatest regret I have about George Lee’s political swansong is that by next year, George will be back in RTE and we’ll still be complaining about our broken political system. And we will wonder why more good people don’t have a go. Why people with ideas and experience don’t get involved in public life. Why the Irish – as a people – fear failure so much. Why our outrage is – ultimately – so pointless.

They are the right questions. But let’s ask them at the right time. That time is now.    

Jan 31 / 8:06am

Alan Rusbridger's lecture

The editor of the Guardian, Alan Rusbridger, gave a brilliant lecture last week in which he laid out the challenges and opportunities for newspapers like his. Most of the coverage of his speech focussed on his opposition to Murdoch-style paywall. But what I found most fascinating were details of the expansion of the Guardian's readership, particularly in the US (which now accounts for a third of its following). The marketing strategy was cheap yet substantial. Here's Rusbridger

During the last three months of 2009 the Guardian was being read by 40% more people than during the same period in 2008. That's right, a mainstream media company – you know, the ones that should admit the game's up because they are so irrelevant and don't know what they are doing in this new media landscape – has grown its audience by 40% in a year. More Americans are now reading the Guardian than read the Los Angeles Times. This readership has found us, rather than the other way round. Our total marketing spend in America in the past 10 years has been $34,000.

Nor is all this being bought by tricks or by setting chain-gangs of reporters early in the morning to re-write stories about Lady GaGa or Katie Price. In that same period last year, our biggest growth areas were environment (up 137%), technology (up 125%) and art and design (up 84%). Science was up 81%; politics 39% and Comment is Free 38%.
Jan 31 / 7:44am

A week in the life of a wannabe media baron

In case you are wondering what I do all week, beside tweet, here's a piece I wrote for the Sunday Times:

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/ireland/article7009552.ece

Jan 31 / 7:34am

From the man who brought you the Power of Nightmares

I am fascinated by new methods of online storytelling, but I'm frustrated by lack of a clear, compelling format which suits the evolving trends in video consumption on the web. I think a really innovative approach is provided by documentary maker Adam Curtis in his new blog 

I love the mix of genres and the focus on the off-beat content. Makes for a compelling multi-media experience.
Jan 22 / 8:32am

Now this is brand management

I'm in the middle of shaping the identity of a company right now and a colleague shared this particularly good example. It's hard to reconcile the message with the brand, but great message


Jan 21 / 7:48am

Why Obama might need to get angry

In my last book, The New America, I tried to explain the big shifts in American society in recent decades and the demographic changes which helped Obama win the race for the White House. 

In the revised edition of the book, published in spring 2009, I warned that Obama might underestimate the level of anger coursing through the bloodstream of American life. 

I thought it worth sharing that warning in the context of the Republican victory in Massachusetts and Obama's continuing problems. 

On the other side of America, on Florida’s Atlantic Coast, there is no happy ending for the occupants of 3301 Community Drive. The house is set half-way down a pristine row, in a freshly-minted development in the rejuvenated tropical suburb of Jupiter.  


Real-estate agent Peggy Berkoff is waiting for us in the morning sun. She wears a south Florida smile which cheers you the moment it is flashed in your general direction. She is an unlikely spokesperson for the economic pain of an increasing number of Americans, but also an authentic eyewitness to the angry pandemic of foreclosure.


Peggy is speaking in the dying days of the 2008 election, but she says the bitterness has yet to fully percolate through the political consciousness of her nation. ‘People are angry at the lenders and people are angry at the government,’ she tells me. ‘And I think some people are angry at themselves that they allowed themselves to get into a property that they just couldn’t afford. People didn’t realize that eventually the music was going to stop and they were going to be left without the chair.’


Peggy brings us up the pathway of 3301 Community Drive and opens the black plastic padlock on the door. As the door swings open, and the November light streams in, the mayhem is immediately apparent. The rug in the front room is covered in dark stains, clothes, food cartons and cigarette boxes. Peggy warns me not to go near the kitchen. This is good advice. It smells of putrefied food, and rage.


The former occupant was the owner of a small business who couldn’t afford his mortgage payments. He was forced to hand the house back to the bank, which is now ‘short selling’: getting rid of the house at a vastly reduced price (in this case as much as $250,000 less than its $400,000 peak value).


All around is evidence of a happy family torn apart. On the ground, in the master bedroom are anniversary cards and a register of wedding guests. Peggy tells me the owner’s wife left him shortly before he left the house. He lived here with his three children. And they still haunt this place. On the ground in an upstairs bedroom is a schoolbag with the name ‘Shawn’ written on it. In the other bedroom, a mirror has been wrenched from its hinges and broken.


‘I could show you a dozen of these houses with all levels of destruction,’ she says. ‘We’ve gone into houses where they have taken hammers to the walls.’ Peggy pauses to looks around the bedroom at the detritus of a life and says wearily, ‘It’s sad. It’s really sad’.


In the hallway between bedrooms, there are portraits of the two eldest children at Disneyworld. In one photo, the little girl is hugging Minnie Mouse. In a far corner of the front bedroom, there is a half-used bag of nappies and a changing mat. I think of my own children and feel like running as far as I can from that house. But you can’t run from 3301 Community Drive. There is nowhere to run. Perhaps only a small proportion of Americans will face foreclosure, but every single person has a story of economic hurt. Just ask Peggy Berkoff.


‘My brother told me a story of a woman crying at the gas station as she was filling her tank. Ordinary people are trying to figure out how to buy groceries, how to make their housing payments, how to provide healthcare to their families. Politicians are out of touch. They just really don’t understand.’


Obama understood well enough to win the presidency. He did so by persuading enough insecure people that the only way to find sanctuary from their economic woes was to embrace change. Now that he is in power, he shoulders an enormous burden. If he doesn’t live up to his promise, the putrid rage in that house on Community drive, and the violent ill-will that washed over the Coffmans, will surely overwhelm him.


In a strange way, Obama needs words, not just action. He needs to find language to express the bitterness that comes with an economic reckoning, just as Franklin Roosevelt did back in 1933. In his inaugural address, FDR channeled popular resentment of the economic elite during the Great Depression, railing against the ‘incompetence’ of the money-changers ‘who have fled their high seats in the temple of civilization’.
As Obama began his term in term in office, Americans were losing homes, jobs, retirement funds and confidence in the American dream. But at the very same time, they were reading headlines about the continuing excess of the crumbling economic elite: $18 billion in bonuses to Wall Street executives in 2008; $35,000 spent on a chest of drawers for the Merrill Lynch CEO; private jets ferrying car manufacturers to Washington for a taxpayer bailout.


During his inaugural address, Barack Obama briefly mentioned ‘greed and irresponsibility,’ but he framed the recession as a ‘collective failure to make hard choices’. It was a restrained response, full of the soothing spirit of Ritual, spoken in the temperate tone of the Millennial generation. And yet these are intemperate times for those on a bitterly cold Frontier. Obama would do well to consider the sharp edge of the America psyche, and to learn a lesson from history: a leader must channel the anger of his people or ultimately fall victim to it.

Jan 16 / 8:02am

The Dirty Secrets of Reporting Tragedy (Magill Magazine, Jan 2005)

‘Words can’t describe…’

It was one of those phrases that slipped out in a live broadcast, only
to be regretted the moment the microphone was turned off. It just
wasn’t true. Of course there were words: short, brutal words that
could only be spoken in sentences that required a level of detachment
that was impossibly elusive amid the stench, heat and mental fatigue
that the tsunami left in its wake. In a place of tragedy, you will
witness suffering in three dimensions, against a 360-degree horizon,
and then watch it recede into sharp relief on a one-dimensional
surface as soon as you open your mouth to describe it.

The first significant detail that caught my eye on arrival in Banda
Aceh was the blanched, naked body of pre-pubescent girl spread-eagled
on some piece of indeterminate debris at one corner of a once busy
city junction. She lay unclaimed and untouched, and apparently
invisible to the soldiers, looters and gawkers on motorbikes who
passed in a disorderly flow within feet of her corpse.

Without doubt there were words available to describe the sound of
giant insects, the appearance of the body parts, the nature of that
smell and the physical sensation of dry retching. Almost every single
elements of this grotesque tableau could be clinically dissected with
language. The only element of this experience that could not be
described was the difficulty in putting the words and phrases together
in coherent speech.

A similar limitation applied to the television images you can normally
rely on to overcome the shortcomings of language. At the mass grave
outside Banda Aceh, the sight of the yellow and black plastic sacks
shovelled out of the back of the lorry compelled the observer to
watch, until one shiny envelope was split apart by the lifeless lurch
of a man’s body. Some involuntary reflex dragged the eyes away from
the corpse the moment before it crashed into the patchwork of covered
remains at the bottom of the pit. But the camera lingered long enough
to record images that would eventually have to be scrutinised and
judged and ultimately rejected before transmission.

Many more images and words found their way home than were stopped.
Yet, through the 20/20 filter of hindsight, those discarded words and
suppressed images are haunting reminders of unresolved dilemmas and
missed opportunities. As far as the words are concerned, you can
partly blame the nature of live broadcasting. It forces the reporter
to use language that preserves the composure and restraint needed to
bridge the gap between two worlds: the world you are describing and
the world you are broadcasting to. As for those discarded images, they
must be set against the ever-present struggle to justify your gaze in
a place of pure, distilled suffering.

In the hospital at Banda Aceh, you find yourself trying to communicate
with a woman whose child is lying unconscious beside her on a filthy
blanket. You need her to stand closer to her son so the images
recorded will best capture the nature of her suffering, but how do you
direct this distraught mother? You look into her face and speak, but
the woman looks to the translator with uncomprehending eyes seeking an
explanation for an encounter that makes no sense in her moment of
desolation. Out of this will come a moment of raw insight, fed into
living rooms across Ireland, but in a hospital ward in Banda Aceh, it
feels like unbearable intrusion.

With the benefit of detachment, you find some imperfect balance
between your responsibility to record history in all its graphic
detail and the need to respect the dignity of victims and survivors.
It tends to be much harder to provide your audience with a digestible
context for those disjointed images of horror. Selecting images for
broadcast is less a matter of taste, than of impact: better that the
viewer be disturbed by the reality you describe than simply shocked by
the images they see. By definition, shock is short-term and repeated
doses will eventually numb the senses of the recipient. In the wake of
disaster, there is every danger that the torrent of horrifying images
will reach saturation level where nothing more can move an audience
and there is no appetite left for the long-term substance of the
story. When the reporter poses the question ‘what next?’ too often the
answer is: ‘Something else. For God’s sake, something else’

In all of this the common denominator is the pressure on the reporter
to filter the reality they are seeing through the expectations of the
viewer at home. Any journalist with an ounce of integrity knows the
real challenge is to seek out the uncomfortable facts, even if it is
far easier to play the preconceptions of the hometown crowd. Yet, on
its own, that immutable principle is no longer enough in an
environment that exceeds your audience’s worst nightmare. In Aceh, you
didn’t have to search for the sum of all fears: it was at the
beginning of every conversation, in every corner of wreckage and every
tent in every refugee camp. Yet, when you began to assemble the
individual stories they took on the dimensions that were almost
impossible to convey. In the words of a top CNN executive, Chris
Cramer: ‘The complexity and enormity … it’s too big for the TV
screen.’

In the immediate aftermath of the tsunami, for example, reporters
never came close to properly quantifying the death of the innocents.
An early report by the World Bank and the Indonesian Government
concluded that 37 per cent of those killed in Aceh were under the age
of 18, and more than one in ten were infants. But as the days wore on,
aid workers began to realise the official estimate was tragically
inadequate. The number of children turning up in refugee camps,
particularly young girls, was lower than expected, as was the number
of orphans and kids separated from their parents.

The professional eyewitnesses came to realise their reporting of this
defining feature of the disaster was, by definition, inadequate, since
it sought to assess something that no longer existed. The only
acceptable option was to rely on the testimony of the survivors. They
told us that when the initial earthquake struck Banda Aceh, thousands
of children had gone to play on the local beaches, as they did every
Sunday morning. Immediately after the earth shook, the children ran
after the magically receding tide, excitedly collecting the fish that
were left flapping about on the exposed seabed. They were the very
first victims of the tsunami speeding towards shore.

At least there was spoken testimony to record this horror. The mental
scars inflicted by the tsunami were mute and invisible, but
omnipresent. The World Health Organisation (WHO) predicted that half a
million people in Aceh would need long-term psychiatric support and a
much larger proportion were left ‘totally psychologically undefended’,
in the words of WHO’s mental health specialist. Once again, the
figures were an unreliable guide to the dimensions of the problems, or
how it manifested itself in the lives of real people. As an
eyewitness, you recognised the psychological trauma when you came
across it, but were virtually powerless when you tried to communicate
it in any meaningful way.

 In that squalid hospital in Banda Aceh, the body of a man was laid
out under a blanket, just yards from the lobby. His young son leaned
quietly against the wall as one of his neighbours asked us for help in
transporting the man’s corpse back to their village, a two-hour drive
away. Almost as an afterthought, he told us that both he and the boy
were the only surviving members of their families. They had no homes
to return to, even if they could hitch a lift. In the eyes of the boy
was a thousand-yard stare, full of disbelief, delayed grief and other
emotions that would remain invisible to the world.

At times, the heartbreak was impossible to communicate precisely
because it was so visible and overwhelming. In the biggest refugee
camp in Banda Aceh, the walls of a guardhouse were plastered with the
photocopied faces of missing children. A few yards away, a solitary
woman sat on the grass, crying herself into a stupor. When we
approached her to tell us her story, she grabbed my hands with
surprising force and kissed them. Then she poured out the story of her
gifted 21-year-old daughter missing since the morning of the wave with
an almost deranged intensity that could never come across in a simple
sound-bite.

The temptation, when faced with such overwhelming emotion, was to turn
to the expert outsiders for cool, calm insight. Among the thousands of
foreign aid workers who flowed into Aceh in the days after the
disaster were those English-speaking, media-trained professionals so
beloved of reporters in times of disaster. But many of them would
prove to be unreliable witnesses. One well-meaning press officer for a
big charity gave me an extensive briefing on her group’s work and the
looming humanitarian crisis in Indonesia, even as she struggled to
keep her eyes open after a gruelling journey from Connecticut to Banda
Aceh. In contrast, experienced hands like Paddy McGuinness of Concern
were refreshingly honest about the shortcomings of the international
aid community in the face of this disaster without precedent. By
extension, he helped expose the shortcomings of the media frenzy that
was defining the disaster in the eyes of the outside world.

 The manic desire for a digestible story line was most pronounced out
at the military base at Banda Aceh’s airport. On a football field by
the runway, reporters from around the world formed an impatient,
disorderly queue for a seat on one of the US Navy Seahawk helicopters
flying aid to isolated towns along the coast of Aceh. They were
handled by a brutally efficient young American officer who insisted on
being addressed by his nickname, Smack, and kept repeating the mantra:
‘It’s cameras for butter’ (a reference to the aid the helicopter would
have to leave behind to make room for the TV crews). To sceptical
eyes, these helicopters were part of some gigantic American PR stunt
to win Muslim hearts and minds, and to some of the reporters at that
airfield, it certainly appear the operation was being played for
maximum spin.

For one full day, the European reporters sat helplessly as their
counterparts from the American networks, newspapers and wire services
were invited to skip the queue. By day’s end, I found myself in an
angry confrontation with Smack, both of us screaming incoherently
above the sound of a departing helicopter. My immediate complaint was
the lack of fair play, but later I was struck by the cynical logic
involved. To American strategists the sceptical foreign audience was a
secondary consideration; the primary target for this PR offensive was
the home front. Doing right by the world was one thing, but being seen
to do right by the folks back home was an altogether more important
consideration.

Despite my confrontation with Smack (or perhaps because of it) a US
Navy helicopter carried me and RTE camera-man Michael Cassidy to a
coastal town cut off from civilisation. The desperation of the crowds
that mobbed the helicopter on arrival revealed a second dimension to
the American operation. There would always be a place for that
jaundiced view of its PR implications, but not without recognition of
its profound virtue. Over a matter of days, it would turn into the
biggest relief operation in US military history. The dozen or so
Seahawks were the only hope for tens of thousands of traumatised,
homeless and starving people along a two hundred odd kilometre stretch
of Aceh coastline. The unique characteristics and immediate demands of
the Aceh disaster required a swift, logistical miracle that only the
American came close to delivering. In truth, the central importance of
the US Navy in the immediate aftermath of the tsunami should have
shamed the other western powers. The only obvious sign of a European
military presence in those early days were the crisp, unsoiled
uniforms of a couple of German military advisers.

Such obvious truths do not transmit well to an audience saturated by
images of American excess in Fallujah and Guantanamo. Although,
perhaps the ingrained scepticism of the US intervention in the Indian
Ocean was explained by other irreconcilable contradictions that
predated the tsunami. Inside Indonesia, for example, the Americans
became a proxy target for the unresolved religious and territorial
disputes that plague the largest most populous Muslim country in the
world. Far better that the radicals of the Islamic Defenders Front are
wandering the streets of Banda Aceh muttering darkly about US invasion
plans than fomenting anti-government opposition.

As always, how you viewed this unprecedented world event depended on
what part of the world you were looking at it from. In certain parts
of the world, the tsunami was cited against the enemies of Islam.
According to a columnist at an Egyptian nationalist weekly, the
tsunami was the product of US, Israeli and Indian nuclear tests which
were designed ‘to liquidate humanity’. Heretics closer to home were
Saudi cleric Muhammad Al-Munajjid. Pointing to the devastation
inflicted on tourist resorts in Thailand, he said: ‘At the height of
immorality, Allah took vengeance on these criminals.’

The twisted rhetoric of Islamic radicals would be turned back on the
Arab world by plenty of conservative Western commentators, who
contrasted the US military relief operation in Indonesia to the
relatively paltry contribution of traditional Muslim benefactors in
Saudi Arabia. A classic of its type was Mark Steyn’s Irish Times
column comparing the Saudi’s initial tsunami contribution of $30
million with the $56 million raised by a Saudi telethon for the
relatives of Palestinian suicide-bombers.

There is always a danger of making too much of this self-serving point
scoring in times of international crisis. In this case, it did seem to
get pushed to the periphery by the relentless flow of compassion and
empathy that followed the Indian Ocean disaster. Indeed, you could
argue that the search for culprits in the aftermath of the tsunami was
less to do with geopolitical fault-lines, and more to do with what
Boris Johnson called ‘that immemorial human ache, to find someone to
blame’. If it is true that there was no human hand in the destruction
of those lives in Asia, and no human hand in their defence, then what
hope for the rest of us? Human flaws are much easier to come to terms
with than mankind’s insignificance in the face of nature.

The search for meaning in the aftermath of the tsunami did lead us to
some profoundly positive conclusions. Among them the media-sponsored
assumption that long-neglected debates about poverty, development and
overseas development should be thrust into the political mainstream.
And yet, predictably, the potential for a groundbreaking departure is
threatened by preconceptions and prejudice, the kind of false choices
that seem to separate global debate from the reality it seeks to
influence.

In Europe and the United States, that outpouring of emotion seemed to
fuel the worst instincts in media and politics. In some quarters, the
monetary value of our response appeared eventually became a bigger
story than the actual disaster itself. Equally, the shallowest form of
‘gesture politics’ was rewarded. Tony Blair was the tsunami’s
political loser because he did not cut short his holiday in Egypt,
while Gerard Schroder came out a winner because he rushed back to
Berlin from his holiday haven in Lower Saxony. What they actually did
to help was less important than what personal sacrifice they were seen
to make. What was exposed was the central paradox of our relationship
with global calamity: there needs to be a furious, uncontrolled
media-sponsored assault on our collective consciousness before we are
moved to act on a scale that makes an impact. Yet because this public
frenzy is so intense and uncontrolled it only has a short-life span
and a narrow focus. Before long, our attention is lost and the causes
and consequences of the disaster tend to fade from our memories.

In so many ways, this story has had that depressingly familiar
short-term feeling to it, and yet there may be reasons to hope it is
different this time. At this early stage, the response of the global
political establishment is breaking precedent. After Hurricane Mitch
inflicted devastation on parts of Central America in 1998, European
nations failed to deliver on promises of hundreds of millions of
dollars in aid. This time, the pledges of aid are much larger and are
beginning to actually reach the target countries. On January 6th, Kofi
Annan appealed for almost a billion dollars in emergency aid. Within
two weeks, the UN had received 759 million.

Of course, for the political will to be sustained there has to be the
continued public interest. Here again there are reasons to hope, if
only because the scale of international public interest in this
disaster was so much more intense than any one could have predicted.
Even in the United States, the level of awareness of this crisis was
intense, at least by the crude yardstick of television ratings. The
audience for the network news programme rose by an average of 10 per
cent in the weeks after the tsunami and the primetime rating for CNN
were up by 46 per cent. In a more tangible measurement, the American
people set an all time record for giving to foreign causes in those
first two weeks, donating more than $320 million dollars.

Of course, none of this guarantees a ‘paradigm shift’ in US foreign
policy, or for that matter Irish foreign policy. There is no guarantee
that the death of hundreds of thousands of fellow human beings in Asia
will change our behaviour towards all those other ‘silent tsunamis’
that kill thousands in the developing world every day. At time of
writing, we have still to get a straight answer from the Government as
to exactly when it will meet its once-broken promises on overseas aid.

In truth, it is not even clear why this particular natural disaster
made us feel the way it did. How much of our compulsive reaction to
this horrifying spectacle was explained by the nature of the images
that passed across our television screens? And how will we feel about
the next natural disaster that invites our sympathy, if it does not
match up to the bleak realities of this one?

Perhaps we can find some grounded optimism in Gordon Brown’s
assessment that the Indian Ocean disaster ‘showed how closely
irrevocably bound together are the fortunes of the richest persons in
the richest country to the fate of the poorest persons in the poorest
country’. In strictly literal terms, he was wrong; with the exception
of freakishly bad luck, the richest person can generally buy the kind
of protection from nature that the poorest can only dream of. Yet
there is a brutal truth buried in Brown’s logic.

To those of us who witnessed the horror at close quarters felt the
medium of television could never do justice to the reality. And yet
when the pictures eventually arrived home from the disaster zone, they
seemed to travel a shorter distance than usual. Perhaps the early
images of Westerners and tourist resorts forced us to look at the
endless succession of bodies in a different way. Maybe the inability
to find something to blame made us all feel suddenly more vulnerable.
Either way, the source of this pain seemed closer, more human and more
real; they seemed to demand of us something more than a passing moment
of media-sanctioned angst. When we all get a chance to look at this
disaster through the perfect prism of hindsight, these may be the best
conclusions we could hope for.